Silent Heirs Of The Golan: The Emergence Of New Resistance Group In Syria

The Dawn of Hope
While the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) concentrated their efforts on combating ISIS, Bashar al-Assad, backed by Iran and Russia, managed to reclaim large swaths of territory previously lost to Salafi groups. By 2019, following ISIS’s defeat, the conflict reached a form of deadlock. However, sudden offensives by groups such as Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army altered the dynamics.

In the meantime, factions like the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP), which had previously fought alongside the government, remained active—justifying their continued operations as responses to growing Israeli occupation. This faction, which supports the formation of a “Greater Syria,” expressed its support on December 17 for the establishment of a front to confront Israeli aggression. In response, the group Uli al-Baas emerged on January 9, initially under the name “Southern Liberation Front,” before adopting its current name and symbolism on January 11.

As post-Assad Syria became a contested arena between Israeli and Turkish influence, Uli al-Baas framed itself as part of the Axis of Resistance against what it calls the “Global Axis of Evil.” In a statement to Newsweek, the group’s political bureau—officially named “The Islamic Resistance Front in Syria – Uli al-Baas”—affirmed that praising Israeli occupation and Turkish incursions is expected, since “[America] is the sponsor of chaos, terrorism, and evil across the globe.”
The group’s emblem—featuring a raised Kalashnikov—mirrors an iconography first introduced by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and later adopted by Hezbollah and other Iran-aligned resistance groups, including several in Iraq. The term Uli al-Baas, mentioned in the Qur’an, was previously invoked by Hezbollah Deputy Secretary General Sheikh Naim Qassem in reference to the group’s struggle against Israel.

Despite its alignment with the Axis of Resistance, Uli al-Baas claims organizational and political independence, asserting no affiliation with any party or state. It presents itself as a revolutionary, nationalist movement rooted in Arab identity, with a distinct political project aimed at establishing a strong and liberty-oriented state.

A Turbulent Beginning
On January 13, Uli al-Baas claimed it was deploying light armored vehicles and fighters to Quneitra, Suwayda, Daraa, Damascus, and surrounding rural areas. Four days later, it officially declared the start of its “military operations” against Israeli presence in the south.
The group’s first alleged action was reported on January 24, claiming that one of its units downed an Israeli drone in the Tal Ahmar area of rural Quneitra on January 21. On January 31, it issued a second statement, asserting that it had attacked Israeli forces in the village of Turanja, northern Quneitra. However, no evidence was provided, and on February 14, the group’s Telegram channel retracted the claim.

Cooperation with Other Fronts
On February 19, Uli al-Baas announced the deaths of two senior commanders, Muhannad al-Baqari and Muhammad Mansour, during an operation near Israeli positions in Quneitra. Just two days later, on February 21, the group formed a coalition with two other Iran-aligned factions— Liwa Dir’ al-Sahel, led by Miqdad Fathi, and Ashbah Ruh al-Muqawama, led by Abdulhamid al-Shamali. This alliance targeted ISIS, Salafi movements, and the newly restructured Syrian government. The republication of the coalition’s official statement by Uli al-Baas clearly indicated its confrontational stance toward Damascus.

Mission
The group identifies the expulsion of Israeli forces from southern Syria as a central objective. It cites Israel’s violations of the 1973 ceasefire line and its continued strikes on Syrian installations as justification for its armed resistance. Uli Albas views the Syrian interim government as complicit due to its silence regarding Israeli aggression. The Zionist officials, meanwhile, have warned they will not allow hostile forces to establish a presence near their borders.

Post-Crisis Syria
Despite Donald Trump’s stated intent to reduce military presence in the Middle East, roughly 2,000 American troops remain stationed in Syria. After the Gaza war, these forces were frequently targeted by militias, although such attacks diminished with the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq. With Uli al-Baas now rising and directly opposing U.S. and Israeli influence in Syria, the future of Washington’s regional presence has become increasingly uncertain.

While the U.S. State Department has reiterated its commitment to inclusive and peaceful governance in Syria and its opposition to terrorist entrenchment, it continues to classify HTS as a terrorist organization—despite the group’s claimed shift away from jihadist ideology.

Complicating matters further is the escalating tension between the U.S. and Iran, which intensified after Washington’s withdrawal from the nuclear deal in 2018. Uli al-Baas portrays Iran as a defender of sovereignty and freedom from U.S. domination, arguing that the pressure against Tehran stems from its threat to Israel’s existence.